Relazione di Boris Belenkin

Congresso IALHI, Roma 2007

Congresso IALHI, Roma 2007

Memorial is the International Historical, Educational, Human Rights and Charitable Society”. Memorial is also the Research Center, Library, Archive and Museum. Memorial is one of the oldest and most reputed non-governmental organizations in the former USSR. It was established at the end of the 1980s as a movement to honour the victims of the totalitarian communist regime. Prominent Soviet-era dissidents, such as Academician Andrei Sakharov, have played a vital role in the shaping of Memorial’s values from the beginning. Nowdays, memorials mission involves the approach to issues of the current day through their relationship with recent history, while on the other, combining this perspective with an assessment of history through the prism of law and human rights. Today Memorial comprises around 90 organizations, 70 in various regions of Russia and some 20 in other countries, for example in Italy and France.

Over the years, Memorial’s branches in different countries and regions have organized scores of exhibitions and published several hundred books on historical aspects of repression (including an index of purge victims, the history of the GULAG and other agencies of repression, acts of repression against ethnic and religious groups, and the memoirs of survivors). Also, Memorial focuses on human rights topics (including monitoring in zones of armed conflict, the state of the penitentiary system, the protection of refugees and forced migrants, and victims of ethnic discrimination).

Thousands of people learned the fate of their relatives who died at the hands of the communist regime through the efforts of Memorial. Thousands of others have been helped to counter today’s arbitrariness.

More information about Memorials activities you may learn from Memorials publications that are available here.

Now, several words about our library and Archive.

In the very first manifesto published by Memorial in 1987, we stated the need to create a “memorial” to the victims of political repressions, that would include an archive, museum and library.  The perestroika period, a time of political ferment, of meetings, demonstrations and mass protests, was not a very convenient time for carrying out such scholarly work.  Nevertheless, by 1989 the foundations of our Library’s collection had already been laid.

Today our collection includes around 30,000 books and brochures, in Russian, Ukrainian, English, Polish, German, French, Belarusian, Italian and Czech.  We have over 200 periodicals (including those published by the second and third waves of Russian emigrants).  The Library has one of the largest collections in Russia of documents relating to modern political parties and movements, since 1987 to the present.

The “Memorial” Library’s main holding consists of a collection of books, mainly on the history of the 20th century, with an emphasis on studies of totalitarian regimes, in the USSR and in Central and Eastern Europe.  This comprises about 6,000 publications (monographs, reference-books, thematic collections of articles and documents, encyclopedic publications, electronic documents on CD) on the history of mass repressions, the structure of the penal system, various aspects of the operation of the penitentiary system, the history of dissent and of its suppression.  The Library also has wide-ranging collections of the following: reference literature, general historical studies, the history of the Russian Empire and the USSR, books on the history of culture, science and the Church, legal studies, human rights publications concerned with the present human rights situation, contemporary ethnology, politics and, literature.

All collections include regional, rare and small-volume publications.

The archives of the Memorial Society began to be developed when the organisation itself came into existence (in 1989), when victims of repressions, or their relatives and friends, started to give members of Memorial documents, photographs and manuscript memoirs from their family archives.

Memorial’s archives consist several thematic collections: The History of Political Repression in the USSR Archive (1918-1956), the History of Dissent Archive (1953-1990), the “Polish Programme” archive (repressions of ethnic Poles and Polish citizens), the Victims of Two Dictatorships (the fate of the “Ostarbeiter” – eastern workers – in Germany and the USSR), the “Man in History: Russia – XX Century” school competition Archive in essay writing about local history, organized by Memorial in Russian Federation.  The Memorial archives also include an oral history and biography centre.

As well as collecting and sorting documents, “Memorial” archivists are involved in educational activities, they respond to queries from regional chapters of Memorial, as well as other community and government organisations, and provide research materials to historians and journalists.  Of course, we use materials of our archive for our own projects. For instance, the materials for some of the online projects run by Memorial, such as “Women’s Memory of the GULAG”, “Archive studies” and others are provided from the archive.

Visitors are provided with advice and assistance in tracing relatives who were victims of repression, the location of places of execution and burial, as well as assistance in obtaining legal rehabilitation documents and benefits.

The archive’s collections are open to the public and to researchers.

Now I would like to talk in more details about one relatively new project of memorial that I believe is of the particular interest of this audience, the memorials website dedicated to socialist parties.

The idea of this website was brought about when we decided to publicize information about socialists and anarchists who fought the Bolshevik regime and were repressed by it. RIEC Memorial has been collecting this information for many years.

Memorial’s focus on this information might surprise some people. The common public knows Memorial as a purely human rights organization of liberal views. In this case, why should Memorial study socialists and anarchists of the 1920s, their subculture and mentality, and their tragic life experiences?

Why should we study and commemorate the socialists who gave birth to Bolshevism that later built a totalitarian system? The answer to this question is that the left-wing Radical movement gave not only Sergei Nechaev, Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin to Russia and the world but also Pyotr Lavrov, Mikhail Bakunin, Pyotr Kropotkin, Ekaterina Breshko-Breshkovskaya, Georgy Plekhanov, Yuri Martov, Viktor Chernov and many others; not only the “Catechesis of the Revolutionary,” ideas of dictatorship and a group of “social experimenters” but the ideas of the Constituent Assembly and democratic and rule-of-law state that came about from the wish to protect an individual from the power-holding authorities.

Socialists and anarchists were the radical left wing of the country’s political elite – an elite that was almost completely murdered by the Bolshevik regime; an elite whose absence we feel so acutely these days. Russia does not have socialist and social-democratic parties similar to those that are a powerful force in the West and have done a lot for the development of democracy and human rights advocacy. The absence of such parties in Russia is a direct consequence of the indiscriminate slaughter of the Russian left-wing radicals who advocated the ideas and practices of a democratic socialism.

The socialist parties’ struggle against the Bolsheviks after October 1917 should be viewed as the struggle of the civil society against the people who deny its norms and principles in practice.

Our interest in these people has a moral background, too. It is immoral to ignore the heroic deed of people who withstood the Bolsheviks to their end and traveled this road to its end in the literal meaning of the word – to their death in exile, prisons, labor camps and under the shooting teams’ fire. Unlike the hundreds of thousands of the soviet and Bolshevik party officials and millions of non-party citizens who were “guiltlessly” hit by repression in the 1930-1940s, these few thousands of socialists are not just the victims of the soviet regime but its conscious and consistent enemies.

Now we can briefly outline the goals and objectives of our website in the following way:

Restore a more objective picture of the history of our society and eliminate stereotypes.

Give the relatives and any interested person a chance to learn what happened to the repressed “anti-totalitarian left-wingers” and contribute to writing their biographies.

Publish Memorial’s new intellectual products – a Combined List and “Extendable Biographical Notes and Biograms of Socialist and Anarchist Opponents to the Bolshevik Regime” – for the benefit of the academic community. Publish the unpublished documents and materials.

Help the website users (including the beginner researchers who cannot have access to good libraries) to use the republished materials, such as collections of documents, reminiscences, articles, excerpts from books, etc.

We would like the website to be a researchers’ club and a special-focus academic journal besides performing other functions.

Demonstrate, by using extensive materials, that the left-wing views and belief in socialism do not deny democracy, nor do they generate extremist psychology and behavior.

Provide access to reliable and objective information for those who develop the public mind (journalists, political writers, script writers, etc.).

The website will focus on a few closely related vast and complicated topics.

The first is Opposition of Socialists and Anarchists (Socialist Parties and Anarchist Organizations) to the Soviet Regime. However, as we make it the top priority, we should not neglect another topic which has thousands of links with it. We can formulate this second topic as Subculture of a Russian Revolutionary (19-th and 20th Centuries). It also requires very close attention. Two other topics are Life Experiences of the Left-Wing Opponents of the Bolshevik Regime and the Fate of Democratic Socialism and Anarchism in General. All these four topics are intertwined, and it is often impossible to separate one from another.

There is one other topic which is of interest both to Memorial and the public: the actual condition of prisoners in the Czarist prisons, hard labor and exile, and the political prisoners’ fight for the regime before the revolution. Obviously enough, much of the czarist-Russia experience was borrowed into the soviet Cheka operations, work through secret agents, prisons and labor camp, often with the pre-revolutionary staff. The political prisoners’ struggle for the confinement regime consistent with the status of a political prisoner and for their human dignity is based entirely on their pre-revolutionary experience. These issues that Memorial has been historically exploring will have coverage in-depth on our website.

Memorial invites all interested and non-indifferent people to restore the history of life, struggle, mentality and biographies of people many of whom are known to us today only by their name.

We hope that relatives of the repressed socialists and anarchists will help us. We are looking forward to receiving information, reminiscences, letters, documents and photographs from them. We would like to hope that we will build a sound archival wealth of materials about socialists, and historians will use it for writing books and making collections of documents.

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Per sostenere Memorial Italia

Leggi anche:

Russia. Anatomia di un regime. Dentro la guerra di Putin.

Russia. Anatomia di un regime. Dentro la guerra di Putin. A cura di Memorial Italia con il coordinamento di Marcello Flores (Corriere della Sera, 2022). «Uno Stato che, al suo interno, viola platealmente e in modo sistematico i diritti umani, diventa per forza di cose una minaccia anche per la pace e per la sicurezza internazionali» La deriva violenta della Russia, culminata nell’aggressione militare nei confronti dell’Ucraina del 24 febbraio 2022 e documentata da tempo sul fronte delle repressioni interne (di cui anche l’associazione Memorial ha fatto le spese), impone una riflessione sempre più urgente su cosa abbia portato il paese a passare dalle speranze democratiche successive al crollo dell’URSS all’odierna autocrazia. Questo volume a più voci, in cui intervengono nel dibattito studiosi italiani e russi che conoscono profondamente la realtà del regime, i metodi, le tecniche di manipolazione del consenso, le curvature ideologiche, il linguaggio politico, affronta la questione da diversi punti di vista, da quello storico a quello culturale e letterario (con implicazioni non solo per la Russia, ma anche per l’Ucraina e i paesi dell’Europa orientale), a quello geopolitico, fino ad arrivare all’attualità, alle proteste e alle forme di dissidenza che continuano eroicamente a esistere per combattere il Moloch putiniano, sempre più assetato di vittime. Nello stallo del conflitto in Ucraina rimane fondamentale il desiderio di comprendere. Non perché non succeda ancora, come scrive Andrea Gullotta nella sua introduzione, richiamandosi ad Anne Applebaum, ma perché “accadrà di nuovo”. Lo testimoniano drammaticamente il protrarsi di una situazione di guerra alle porte dell’Europa, e l’inasprirsi delle persecuzioni, in Russia, contro chi ha cercato e cerca, a rischio della propria vita, di opporsi allo stato di cose e alle terribili conseguenze che può avere su tutti noi. Contributi di Alexis Berelowitch, Marco Buttino, Alessandro Catalano, Aleksandr Čerkasov, Giulia De Florio, Elena Dundovich, Marcello Flores, Giovanni Gozzini, Andrea Gullotta, Inna Karmanova, Massimo Maurizio, Marusja Papageno, Niccolò Pianciola, Marco Puleri.

Leggi

Il caso Sandormoch. La Russia e la persecuzione della memoria.

Il caso Sandormoch. La Russia e la persecuzione della memoria di Irina Flige. A cura di Andrea Gullotta con traduzione di Giulia De Florio (Stilo Editrice, 2022). Il protagonista del libro di Irina Flige è Sandormoch (Carelia), la radura boschiva in cui, negli anni Novanta, Veniamin Iofe, Irina Flige e Jurij Dmitriev scoprirono la fossa comune dove era stata sepolta un’intera tradotta di detenuti del primo lager sovietico, sulle isole Solovki. Sandormoch è un luogo chiave per comprendere il ruolo della memoria storica nella Russia contemporanea e la battaglia ingaggiata dagli attivisti e storici indipendenti contro l’ideologia ufficiale. La scoperta di questa fossa comune e la creazione del cimitero commemorativo sono soltanto due “atti” della tragedia che ruota intorno a Sandormoch e che ha portato all’arresto e alla condanna di Jurij Dmitriev, attualmente detenuto in una colonia penale. Nella peculiare e coinvolgente narrazione di Flige, adatta anche a un pubblico di non specialisti, la memoria si fa vivo organismo, soggetto a interpretazioni, manipolazioni, cancellazioni e riscritture. Il trauma del Gulag si delinea così come il terreno di scontro tra uno Stato autoritario e repressivo e l’individuo libero che vuole conoscere la verità e custodire la memoria del passato. Irina Anatol’evna Flige (1960), attivista per i diritti civili e ricercatrice, collabora da anni con antropologi e storici per condurre ricerche legate alla scoperta e preservazione dei luoghi della memoria del periodo staliniano. Nel 1988 entra a far parte di Memorial, associazione all’epoca non ancora ufficialmente registrata. Ne diventa collaboratrice nel 1991 e dal 2002 ricopre la carica di direttrice di Memorial San Pietroburgo.

Leggi

Proteggi le mie parole

Proteggi le mie parole. A cura di Sergej Bondarenko e Giulia De Florio con prefazione di Marcello Flores (Edizioni E/O, 2022). «Due membri di Memorial (l’associazione insignita nel 2022 del Premio Nobel per la Pace) – Sergej Bondarenko, dell’organizzazione russa, e Giulia De Florio, di Memorial Italia (sorta nel 2004) – ci presentano una testimonianza originale e inedita che getta una luce inquietante, ma anche di grande interesse, sul carattere repressivo dello Stato russo, prima e dopo il 24 febbraio 2022, data d’inizio della guerra d’aggressione all’Ucraina. La raccolta che viene presentata comprende le ‘ultime dichiarazioni’ rese in tribunale da persone accusate di vari e diversi reati, tutti attinenti, però, alla critica del potere e alla richiesta di poter manifestare ed esprimere liberamente le proprie opinioni» L’idea del volume nasce da una semplice constatazione: in Russia, negli ultimi vent’anni, corrispondenti al governo di Vladimir Putin, il numero di processi giudiziari è aumentato in maniera preoccupante e significativa. Artisti, giornalisti, studenti, attivisti (uomini e donne) hanno dovuto affrontare e continuano a subire processi ingiusti o fabbricati ad hoc per aver manifestato idee contrarie a quelle del governo in carica. Tali processi, quasi sempre, sfociano in multe salate o, peggio ancora, in condanne e lunghe detenzioni nelle prigioni e colonie penali sparse nel territorio della Federazione Russa. Secondo il sistema giudiziario russo agli imputati è concessa un’“ultima dichiarazione” (poslednee slovo), la possibilità di prendere la parola per sostenere la propria innocenza o corroborare la linea difensiva scelta dall’avvocato/a. Molte tra le persone costrette a pronunciare la propria “ultima dichiarazione” l’hanno trasformata in un atto sì processuale, ma ad alto tasso di letterarietà: per qualcuno essa è diventata la denuncia finale dei crimini del governo russo liberticida, per altri la possibilità di spostare la discussione su un piano esistenziale e non soltanto politico. Il volume presenta 25 testi di prigionieri politici, tutti pronunciati tra il 2017 e il 2022. Sono discorsi molto diversi tra loro e sono la testimonianza di una Russia che, ormai chiusa in un velo di oscurantismo e repressione, resiste e lotta, e fa sentire forte l’eco di una parola che vuole rompere il silenzio della violenza di Stato. Traduzioni di Ester Castelli, Luisa Doplicher, Axel Fruxi, Andrea Gullotta, Sara Polidoro, Francesca Stefanelli, Claudia Zonghetti.

Leggi